by: F.R. Duplantier

"The bizarre arrest of Augusto Pinochet in London [two months ago] is a logical development in a long, implacable, and frequently violent campaign by the international left," declares James Whelan, professor of political science and author of six books on Latin America. "For the utopians and dilettantes among them, the purpose is to avenge the death of an idol, Salvador Allende, who killed himself only hours after having been ousted by Pinochet on September 11, 1973. For the cynics, the goal is to punish the man who denied the Soviets a strong beachhead on the South American continent to match their Cuban bastion in the Caribbean. And for the ideologues," Whelan asserts, the arrest of Pinochet is "a way to discredit the man who led the transformation of Chile . . . into the most robust free-market economy in the region."

Writing in a recent issue of the national conservative weekly Human Events, Whelan offers an objective appraisal of the man and the administration overthrown by Pinochet. "Allende's regime," he charges, "waged war on private property, confiscating hundreds of foreign and domestic businesses; resorted to radical monetary measures that produced a 2,000-percent increase in the cost of living; unleashed armed, revolutionary mobs who seized hundreds of privately owned farms and shops; and energetically tried to impose a police state."

Whelan recalls how "hundreds, then thousands of sympathizers streamed into this new mecca of world revolution -- left-wing terrorists from Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil, experienced military training instructors, guerrilla fighters and secret police experts from such established Communist states as Cuba, Czechoslovakia, North Korea, and East Germany. Chile," he emphasizes, "was to become a base for exporting revolution.

"Foreign Communist embassies were used to help Allende stay in power, while the Cubans played a role in managing the economy and law enforcement," Whelan continues. Allende was "imposing his policies in direct violation of both the laws and the Constitution." He'd have gotten away with it, too, with dire consequences for Chile and the entire world -- had it not been for Pinochet.

Some Chileans may have chafed at the slow pace of the transition back to civilian rule; yet, there is no denying that their lot has improved immeasurably since the days of Allende. Nor were their criticisms stifled by Pinochet. In fact, the General's most recent travails stem in part from his practice of freely permitting human rights groups to monitor the level of "abuse" in Chile.

There is no defense, of course, against charges that cannot be disproven. Reckless accusations are dignified by denials; unanswered, they may be accepted as truth. Once a person has been targeted for this dirty little game, he has already lost. Imagine being compelled to play against an opponent who is also the referee and you will have a good idea of the position in which Pinochet has long endured. Future generations will treat him more kindly, recognizing General Augusto Pinochet as one of the great heroes of the 20^th Century.